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Policy Memo in Response to KhinSandi Lwin's GIP Event

Dear President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris,

As a newly appointed advising foreign affairs officer, I believe it to be my duty to address the current Myanmar conflict. Yes, I am aware that this conflict is not new, and yes, I am aware of the seemingly interminable complications surrounding this conflict, but still, I implore you to reflect on both this memo and the Myanmar coup with great seriousness. In the United States, and as citizens of the globe, we must actively support our core values of democracy and basic human rights. 

In 1962, when the military first took over what was then referred to as Burma, these aforementioned international values were immediately eradicated from the Burmese social/political landscape. After 60 years of a complete military takeover, and a blatant disregard for the lives of the citizens of Myanmar, the military junta dissolved. This opened up opportunities for the Aung San Suu Kyi-led National League for Democracy (NLA) political party, which took power democratically in 2015. The military- the Tatmadaw- officially retook control of Myanmar this past February, leading to a long list of human rights violations and deaths. Mr. President and Madam Vice President, this coup is different than the one experienced in the sixties. A generation has glimpsed what it looks like to be free, and they will not back down until they regain that freedom. This, while empowering, will inevitably lead to more deaths if we do not step in appropriately now. With that, I will now lay out what I believe to be our three options when it comes to our employed action. 

I believe our first considered option to be targeted sanctions. Thus far, Canada, the EU and the UK have all ventured down this path, also imposing sanctions on various military-run conglomerates. This option would ideally weaken the power of the governing military junta, allowing citizens and the NLA the opportunity to reclaim their power. With that said, it is important to mention that we enlisted this strategy in 1962, and sanctioned Burma for nearly all of those 60 years. Those sanctions did not prove to be as effective as what we had hoped. Our second potential option to consider is to confront the rightful government of Myanmar diplomatically, offering negotiation aid, funding, and international recognition of their right to rule. In this process- regardless of what policy we take- it is imperative that we not interact with the military diplomatically, as that action would serve as recognition or their legitimacy. Instead, if we were to go with this section option, we should follow in the steps of the European government, and recognize the National Unity Government in Myanmar. We can do this publicly, through a statement, or merely through diplomatic action with them. Also included in this option would be offering the NLA funding as a means to strengthen their foundation in Myanmar. Our third option is to interfere militarily. We have the means to quickly remove the Tatmadaw from power, and place the NLA back in their rightful governing position. In thinking about this, I suggest you think about these questions. Do we want to encourage more violence? Do we want to escalate the situation? Do we want more innocent people to die in the crossfire? To me, it seems obvious that “NO” is the correct response to each of these questions. As a result, I advise against military influence as a policy option. 

Taking all of these three policy options into consideration, I believe the most effective route to take would be with option two: confront the rightful government of Myanmar diplomatically, offering negotiation aid, funding, and international recognition of their right to rule. As I outlined above, option one has been implemented previously, and resulted in minimal positive change. Option three has the likelihood of only worsening an already complex situation. Some might argue that option two is a more hands off approach, and is therefore ineffective. I would counter by saying that offering negotiation aid and international recognition are two steps that certainly require a hands ON approach, and are certainly effective. Funding is somewhat more removed in terms of active steps, but that does not mean it is not effective. The economy of Myanmar has struggled since the military first took power in 1962, so this fiscal aid would be of great help to the country, even with the large amount of funding it already receives. Thank you for your thorough consideration of each of the policy options listed. I hope you will take the proper measures to act accordingly under policy option two. We must make haste in preventing an exponential death rate, ensuring the basic human rights of all Myanmar inhabitants, and preventing the prolongement of an already eight-month long civil war. 

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